The sudden declaration of martial law by an unpopular president late Tuesday evening focused attention at home and abroad on South Korean politics.

For the past two and a half years, Korea’s pro-democracy opposition has denounced President Yoon Suk-yeol’s “prosecutor dictatorship.” The term describes his use of prosecutorial power to frustrate liberal and progressive politicians, media and unions, accompanied by a resurgence of anti-communist rhetoric associated with previous dictatorships.

For example, in his Liberation Day speech in August 2023, Yoon stated that “the forces of communist totalitarianism have always disguised themselves as democracy activists, human rights activists or progressive activists, using despicable and unethical tactics and false propaganda.” This kind of slander left many fear that Yoon’s regime would lead to a regression of democracy; To others, Yoon’s rants simply sounded like the tired mantra of old-school conservatives who routinely parrot the language of the dictatorship era.

Then, in September this year, a press release from Democratic Party MP Kim Min-seok alerted the public that Yoon was planning something. Kim pointed out that Yoon had appointed many of his high school classmates and close associates to prominent security positions in government and the military. He occupied the Ministry of Public Security, the Ministry of Defense and the Defense Counterintelligence Command with his cronies. Kim warned that Yoon was likely preparing to create a situation in which he could easily declare martial law under the pretext of a public security situation created by “pro-North Korean” forces.

For many people, such foreboding sounded shrill. But early Wednesday even Korea was deeply conservative Choson Ilbo declared that “Kim Min-seok was right.” As events unfolded on Tuesday night, even the ruling conservative leader of the People Power Party, Han Dong-hoon, said Yoon had acted unlawfully.

The ChosonThe quick confirmation of Kim’s warning and the National Assembly’s quick resolution to lift martial law quickly showed that Yoon’s move was the desperate act of an unpopular president fighting for survival, something few had expected.

For almost his entire term, Yoon faced ongoing scandals and intrigues and was accused of incompetence. His government was inept in dealing with the Itaewon crowds disaster in 2022, in which 159 people died and another 196 were injured. He also obstructed the investigation into the death of Marine Chae Su-geun during a flood disaster in 2023. Yoon’s response to these two incidents deeply shocked the public. He also used law enforcement to intimidate the media, settle scores with the opposition party, and curb union activism through damages claims and criminal charges.

More specifically, Yoon’s wife, Kim Keon-hee, quickly attracted attention for alleged bribery, influence peddling, academic and workplace fraud, and stock price manipulation.

More significantly, the revelation last September of interference by Kim, Yoon and their spiritual advisor Myung Tae-kyun in party polls and candidate selection processes to solidify Yoon’s control over the party has contributed to growing calls for Yoon’s impeachment.

Observers argued that Myung played the same Rasputin-like role as Choi Soon-sil, a spiritual adviser to indicted President Park Geun-hye. Myung was charged early Tuesday with violating political financing laws.

Ironically, Yoon was the very prosecutor who brought Park, Choi, and their accomplices to justice for their crimes and threats to democracy. Park had populated her government with figures from the government of her father, dictator Park Chung-hee. Yoon’s power play seems, at first glance, to be something Park might have done.

Park’s administration was overthrown by the Candlelight Revolution of 2016–17. Perhaps because Yoon witnessed the power of this event, he decided to quell the resistance by taking immediate emergency action.

But there were other complicating factors that may have led to Yoon’s abrupt decision.

Protests against Yoon have increased in recent weeks. Tens of thousands of people took part in a candlelight protest on Saturday calling for Yoon’s impeachment.

The event follows a series of statements from university students and professors across the country in recent weeks, including from Yoon’s alma mater, the premier Seoul National University, as well as a similar statement from North American academics. Other prominent civic groups, unions and writers’ associations released statements.

At this point, however, we can only speculate as to what prompted Yoon to make this bizarre decision to declare a state of war and send special forces to the National Assembly for the first time in over 45 years.

As it stands, MPs were able to return to the assembly, barricade themselves from the troops and overturn Yoon’s decision just three hours after the national crisis began. At 5 a.m., Yoon announced live on television that he would order the army to withdraw and hold a meeting with his cabinet to reverse his declaration of martial law.

As dawn approaches on Wednesday morning, Korea is expected to witness one of the largest protests since the Candlelight Revolution. The Korean Federation of Trade Unions has called for a general strike and opposition parties have said they are preparing a motion for impeachment.

Whatever happens in the coming days, it is certain that Yoon’s three-hour coup has ushered in a new, turbulent phase that is likely to reshape Korean politics going forward. What form this will take requires urgent consideration.